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Such legislation has a precedent; Bills introduced in the House of Representatives and Sente in 2010 would have approved Agreement 123 between the United States and Australia. See CRS Report R41312, U.S.-Australia Civilian Nuclear Cooperation: Issues for Congress, by Mary Beth D. Nikitin and Bruce Vaughn. Official Saudi statements since late 2017 have suggested that the country is at least seeking to retain the option of uranium enrichment. KA CARE officials said the Saudi program could use indigenous uranium resources as fuel,151 and in December 2017, khalid al-Falih, then energy minister, said: “We intend to locate the entire nuclear value chain. Whatever we do, we will strictly abide by international agreements. But we are not deprived of access to our natural resources and localizing an industry that we want to have with us in the long run. 152 In February 2018, Saudi Foreign Minister Adel Al Jubeir said, “We want to have the same rights as other countries.” 153 Rosatom and KA CARE sign an application agreement on small and medium-sized reactors, personnel and fuel management. Since the beginning of modern U.S.-Saudi Arabia relations in 1945, the U.S. has been willing to ignore many of the kingdom`s most controversial aspects as long as it maintained oil production and supported U.S. national security policy. [2] Since World War II, the two countries have been allies against communism to support the stability of oil prices, stability in the oil fields and oil navigation of the Persian Gulf, and stability in the economies of the Western countries in which the Saudis have invested. In particular, the two countries were allies against the Soviets in Afghanistan and during Iraq`s expulsion from Kuwait in 1991.

The two countries disagreed on the State of Israel and the embargo of the United States and its allies by Saudi Arabia and other Middle Eastern oil exporters during the 1973 oil crisis (which significantly increased oil prices), the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 (which Saudi Arabia refused), aspects of the “war on terror”. and what many in the United States see as Saudi Arabia`s nefarious influence after the September 11 attacks. In recent years, especially within the administration of Barack Obama, relations between the two countries have become strained and have declined sharply. [3] [4] [5] However, the relationship was strengthened by President Donald Trump`s trip to Saudi Arabia in May 2017, which was his first overseas trip after his presidency as President of the United States. [6] [7] [8] The murder of Saudi dissident and Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi in a Saudi consulate in Turkey in October 2018 created a serious rift between the countries. The U.S. has sanctioned some Saudi nationals, and Congress has tried unsuccessfully to stop U.S. arms sales to Saudi Arabia as part of the war in Yemen. Turkish authorities and U.S. intelligence concluded that the assassination was carried out on the orders of Mohammed bin Salman, the crown prince of Saudi Arabia. The United States and Saudi Arabia, which allied against this common enemy, turned their initial oil relations into a more expansionary security alliance. In 1951, the United States and Saudi Arabia founded the Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement, the first formal defense agreement between the two nations.

It provided for U.S. arms sales to Saudi Arabia and U.S. training of the Saudi military. Until November 2018, the supply of the military of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (United Arab Emirates) was carried out in accordance with the terms of the Bilateral Acquisition and Cross-Service Agreements (ACSA) between the Ministry of Defense and the respective ministries of each country. ACSA agreements are subject to 10 U.S.C 2341-2350. The agreements provide for mutual logistical support in different circumstances and their underlying legal authority does not prohibit the United States. . . .